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发表于 2016-12-8 21:05:07 | 显示全部楼层 |阅读模式
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 楼主| 发表于 2016-12-9 11:47:02 | 显示全部楼层
“红色警报已在闪烁”:研究称民主面临衰退风险

更新时间:2016-12-1 10:39:41 来源:纽约时报中文网 作者:佚名

How Stable Are Democracies? ‘Warning Signs Are Flashing Red’

“红色警报已在闪烁”:研究称民主面临衰退风险

WASHINGTON — Yascha Mounk is used to being the most pessimistic person in the room. Mr. Mounk, a lecturer in government at Harvard, has spent the past few years challenging one of the bedrock assumptions of Western politics: that once a country becomes a liberal democracy, it will stay that way.
华盛顿——雅斯查•蒙克(Yascha Mounk)一向惯于做众人之中最悲观的一个。这位哈佛大学的政府学讲师过去几年里一直在挑战西方政治学中的一个基本假设:一个国家一旦成为自由民主国家,就会保持不变。
His research suggests something quite different: that liberal democracies around the world may be at serious risk of decline.
他的研究显示出一些截然不同的东西:全世界的自由民主国家可能面临严重的衰退风险。
Mr. Mounk’s interest in the topic began rather unusually. In 2014, he published a book, “Stranger in My Own Country.” It started as a memoir of his experiences growing up as a Jew in Germany, but became a broader investigation of how contemporary European nations were struggling to construct new, multicultural national identities.
蒙克对这个话题的兴趣以一种颇不寻常的方式开始。2014年,他出版了一本名为《自己国家中的陌生人》(Stranger in My Own Country)的书。它以回忆录开始,讲述身为犹太人的他在德国长大的经历;但后面变成更广泛的调查,研究当代欧洲国家如何在建设新的、多元文化的国家身份时陷入困境。
He concluded that the effort was not going very well. A populist backlash was rising. But was that just a new kind of politics, or a symptom of something deeper?
他的结论是,这一努力的进程不是非常顺利。民粹主义的反弹正在上升。但这只是一种新的政治吗,抑或是反映了更深层次问题的症状?
To answer that question, Mr. Mounk teamed up with Roberto Stefan Foa, a political scientist at the University of Melbourne in Australia. They have since gathered and crunched data on the strength of liberal democracies.
为了回答这个问题,蒙克与澳大利亚墨尔本大学的政治学家罗伯托•史蒂芬•福阿(Roberto Stefan Foa)合作。自那之后,他们收集整理了大量关于自由民主国家强度的数据。
Their conclusion, to be published in the January issue of the Journal of Democracy, is that democracies are not as secure as people may think. Right now, Mr. Mounk said in an interview, “the warning signs are flashing red.”
他们的结论将在1月份的《民主期刊》(Journal of Democracy)上发表,文章认为,民主国家不如人们所想的那样安全。蒙克在接受采访时表示,如今,“红色警报已在闪烁”。
Political scientists have a theory called “democratic consolidation,” which holds that once countries develop democratic institutions, a robust civil society and a certain level of wealth, their democracy is secure.
政治科学中有一个名为“民主巩固”(democratic consolidation)的理论,认为国家一旦发展起民主制度、强大的民间社会与一定程度的财富,其民主环境便会稳固下来。
For decades, global events seemed to support that idea. Data from Freedom House, a watchdog organization that measures democracy and freedom around the world, shows that the number of countries classified as “free” rose steadily from the mid-1970s to the early 2000s. Many Latin American countries transitioned from military rule to democracy; after the end of the Cold War, much of Eastern Europe followed suit. And longstanding liberal democracies in North America, Western Europe and Australia seemed more secure than ever.
几十年来,各种全球事件似乎都在证明着这一想法。“自由之家”(Freedom House)是一个评估全世界民主与自由状况的监督机构,其数据显示,从1970年代中期到21世纪初,被分类为“自由”的国家数量稳步上升。许多拉丁美洲国家从军事统治转向民主;冷战结束后,东欧大部分地区也随之转向民主。北美、西欧和澳洲那些久已存在的自由民主国家似乎比以往更为稳固。
But since 2005, Freedom House’s index has shown a decline in global freedom each year. Is that a statistical anomaly, a result of a few random events in a relatively short period of time? Or does it indicate a meaningful pattern?
但自2005年以来,“自由之家”的指数每年都显示全球的自由程度在下降。这是一个统计异常吗?是几个随机事件在相对较短时间内发生的结果吗?抑或显示出一种有意义的模式?
Mr. Mounk and Mr. Foa developed a three-factor formula to answer that question. Mr. Mounk thinks of it as an early-warning system, and it works something like a medical test: a way to detect that a democracy is ill before it develops full-blown symptoms.
为了回答这个问题,蒙克和福阿制定了一个三要素公式。蒙克认为它是一种预警系统,这种方法的原理类似医学检测,能在民主政权全面爆发出各种症状之前检查出它的问题。
The first factor was public support: How important do citizens think it is for their country to remain democratic? The second was public openness to nondemocratic forms of government, such as military rule. And the third factor was whether “antisystem parties and movements” — political parties and other major players whose core message is that the current system is illegitimate — were gaining support.
第一个要素是公共支持:公民认为对他们的国家保持民主有多重要?第二个要素是公众对非民主政府形式(如军事统治)的心态有多开放。第三个要素是“反体制的党派和运动”――政党和其他政治重要参与者的核心信息认为当前体制是不合理的――是否在获得越来越多的支持。
If support for democracy was falling while the other two measures were rising, the researchers marked that country “deconsolidating.” And they found that deconsolidation was the political equivalent of a low-grade fever that arrives the day before a full-blown case of the flu.
如果对民主的支持在下降,而其他两个指标正在上升,研究者就会把这个国家标记为“解除巩固”(deconsolidating)。他们发现,用医学来打比喻的话,“解除巩固”相当于流感完全爆发前一天的低烧。
Venezuela, for instance, enjoyed the highest possible scores on Freedom House’s measures of political rights and democracy in the 1980s. But those democratic practices were not deeply rooted. During that apparent period of stability, Venezuela already scored as deconsolidating on the Mounk-Foa test.
例如,1980年代,按照“自由之家”的标准,委内瑞拉在政治权利和民主方面得分最高。但其民主做法并不是根深蒂固的。在那段看似稳定的时期,委内瑞拉已经在蒙克-福阿的测试中被算成“解除巩固”。
Since then, Venezuelan democracy has declined significantly. In 1992, a faction of the Venezuelan military loyal to Hugo Chávez attempted a coup against the democratically elected government. Mr. Chávez was elected president in 1998 on a wave of populist support, and he immediately passed a new constitution that consolidated his power. His government cracked down on dissent, imprisoned political opponents and shredded the country’s economy with a series of ill-planned economic overhauls.
从那时起,委内瑞拉民主状况显著下降。1992年,委内瑞拉军方一个忠于乌戈•查韦斯(Hugo Chávez)的派系企图对民选政府发动政变。1998年,查韦斯在民粹浪潮支持下当选总统, 之后他立即通过了一部新宪法,巩固了他自己的权力。他的政府打击异见者,监禁政治反对派,并实施一系列计划不周的经济改革,破坏了该国的经济。
Likewise, when Poland joined the European Union in 2004, it was hailed as an especially strong example of a post-Communist country making the transition to consolidated democracy. But Mr. Mounk and Mr. Foa found strong signs of deconsolidation during that period: As early as 2005, nearly 16 percent of Poles said they believed democracy was a “bad” or “fairly bad” way of running the country. By 2012, 22 percent of respondents said that they supported army rule. And in the mid-2000s, a series of antisystem parties began to gain traction in Polish politics, including Law and Justice, Self-Defense of the Republic of Poland, and the League of Polish Families.
同样,当波兰在2004年加入欧盟时,它被赞誉为后共产主义国家向巩固民主过渡的有力典范。但是蒙克和福阿在那段时期内发现了强烈的解除巩固迹象:早在2005年,近16%的波兰人说他们认为民主是一种“不好”或“相当不好”的治国方式。到2012年,22%的受访者表示支持军队统治。在2005年前后,一系列反体制的政党开始在波兰政治中获得广泛认同,包括法律与正义党(Law and Justice),波兰共和国自卫党(Self-Defense of the Republic of Poland)和波兰家庭联盟(League of Polish Families)。
Today, that fever is starting to look a lot like the flu. Law and Justice, which won the presidency and a parliamentary majority in 2015, has systematically weakened democratic institutions.
今天,这场低烧看起来已经很像流感了。2015年获得总统席位和议会多数的法律与正义党正在系统性地削弱民主体制。
The government’s attempts to undermine the country’s constitutional tribunal, for instance, set off an investigation by the European Union. The resulting report warned that the government’s actions “endanger not only the rule of law, but also the functioning of the democratic system.”
例如,政府试图破坏该国的宪法法庭,令欧洲联盟对此展开了调查。由此产生的报告警告说,该国政府的行为不仅“危及法治,而且危及民主制度的运作。”
According to the Mounk-Foa early-warning system, signs of democratic deconsolidation in the United States and many other liberal democracies are now similar to those in Venezuela before its crisis.
根据蒙克-福阿预警系统,如今,在美国和许多其他自由民主国家,民主的解除巩固情况都类似于委内瑞拉发生危机前的迹象。
Across numerous countries, including Australia, Britain, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Sweden and the United States, the percentage of people who say it is “essential” to live in a democracy has plummeted, and it is especially low among younger generations. Support for autocratic alternatives is rising, too. Drawing on data from the European and World Values Surveys, the researchers found that the share of Americans who say that army rule would be a “good” or “very good” thing had risen to 1 in 6 in 2014, compared with 1 in 16 in 1995.
在包括澳大利亚、英国、荷兰、新西兰,瑞典和美国在内的许多国家里,说“生活在民主国家”是“必不可少”的人的百分比已经下降,在年轻的几代人中特别低。对专制政体选项的支持率也在上升。根据欧洲与世界价值观调查(European and World Values Surveys)的数据,研究人员发现,美国人认为军队统治可能会是一件“好”或“非常好”的事情的比例在2014年上升到了1/6,而在1995年是1/16。
That trend is particularly strong among young people. For instance, in a previously published paper, the researchers calculated that 43 percent of older Americans believed it was illegitimate for the military to take over if the government were incompetent or failing to do its job, but only 19 percent of millennials agreed. The same generational divide showed up in Europe, where 53 percent of older people thought a military takeover would be illegitimate, while only 36 percent of millennials agreed.
这种趋势在年轻人中特别强烈。例如,在以前发表的论文中,研究人员统计,43%的年长的美国人认为,即便政府无能或未能完成其工作,军方接手也是不合法的,但只有19%的千禧一代同意这一点。欧洲出现了同样的代际鸿沟,53%的较老一辈认为军队接管政府是非法的,而只有36%的千禧一代同意这一点。
In the United States, Donald J. Trump won the presidential election by running as an antisystem outsider. And support for antisystem populist parties in Europe, such as the National Front in France, Syriza in Greece and the Five-Star Movement in Italy, is rising.
在美国,唐纳德•J•特朗普(Donald J. Trump)作为一个反体制的局外人而赢得总统选举。而在欧洲,对反体制民粹党派的支持率也在上升,如法国的国民阵线党,希腊的激进左翼联盟(Syriza)和意大利的五星运动(Five-Star Movement)。
Of course, this is just one paper. And the researchers’ approach, like all data-driven social science, has limitations. It is only as good as the survey data that underlies it, for instance, and it does not take into account other factors that could be important to overall stability, such as economic growth. At least one prominent political scientist argues that Mr. Mounk’s and Mr. Foa’s data is not as worrying as they believe it to be.
当然,这只是一篇论文。和所有偏重数据的社会科学一样,研究人员的方法也有其局限性。例如,它其实只是相当于问题起因的调查数据,而且没有考虑到经济增长等其他对整体稳定性而言可能非常重要的因素。至少有一位著名的政治学家认为蒙克和福阿的数据并不像他们认为的那么令人担忧。
Also, of course, correlation is not the same as causation. Although the researchers found a relationship between deconsolidation and democratic instability, that is not the same thing as proving the root causes of either factor.
当然,相关性也并不等同于因果关系。虽然研究人员发现解除巩固与民主不稳定性之间的关系,但不等于证明了二者产生的根本原因。
“That’s only one measure,” Mr. Mounk acknowledged of his own research. “But,” he added after a pause, “it should have us worried.”
蒙克承认自己的研究“只是一个方面的测量”。“但是,”他顿了一下,然后表示,“它应该引起我们的担心。”
He fears that the minutiae of politics can easily distract from these more fundamental dangers. “It’s not just about what Trump will do to the E.P.A.,” he said, referring to the Environmental Protection Agency. “It really is that Trump may try to undermine liberal democracy in the United States.”
他担心政治的细枝末节可以轻易令人们分心,不去关注这些更重大的危险。“这不只是关于特朗普会对EPA做些什么,”他说, EPA在这里是指美国国家环境保护局(Environmental Protection Agency)。“真正的问题是,特朗普可能试图破坏美国的自由民主。”
“Look, this stuff is already going on in other places,” Mr. Mounk added. “If there’s one task that we have as journalists, as academics, as thinkers, it’s to drive the stakes of this home for people.”
“看,这一套已经在其他地方开始运行了,”蒙克补充说。 “如果身为记者、学者和思想家的我们有什么责任的话,那就是把这种风险向人们讲清楚。”

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 楼主| 发表于 2016-12-9 11:47:35 | 显示全部楼层
愤怒的面孔千姿百态

更新时间:2016-12-1 19:05:00 来源:纽约时报中文网 作者:佚名

The Varieties of Anger

愤怒的面孔千姿百态

Bitterness. Hostility. Rage. The varieties of anger are endless. Some are mild, such as grumpiness, and others are powerful, such as wrath. Different angers vary not only in their intensity but also in their purpose. It’s normal to feel exasperated with your screaming infant and scornful of a political opponent, but scorn toward your baby would be bizarre.
怨恨。敌意。激愤。愤怒的种类是无穷无尽的。有些较为温和,比如说坏脾气,还有一些则是强烈的,比如说勃然大怒。不同的愤怒不仅在强度上有所不一,而且目的也是多种多样。对哭叫的小婴儿感到恼火,对政敌表示轻蔑,这都是正常的感情,但是对婴儿表示轻蔑就不正常了。
Anger is a large, diverse population of experiences and behaviors, as psychologists like myself who study emotion repeatedly discover. You can shout in anger, weep in anger, even smile in anger. You can throw a tantrum in anger with your heart pounding, or calmly plot your revenge. No single state of the face, body or brain defines anger. Variation is the norm.
我本人是个心理学家,一直在研究情感,正如我们所发现的,愤怒是一组庞大的、多样化的感受和行为。你可以愤怒地喊叫、愤怒地哭泣,甚至是带着愤怒微笑起来。你可以愤怒地发脾气,心脏狂跳,也可以冷静地筹划自己的报复。没有任何一种单一的面部、身体或大脑状态可以定义愤怒。多样化才是常态。
The Russian language has two distinct concepts within what Americans call “anger” — one that’s directed at a person, called “serditsia,” and another that’s felt for more abstract reasons such as the political situation, known as “zlitsia.” The ancient Greeks distinguished quick bursts of temper from long-lasting wrath. German has three distinct angers, Mandarin has five and biblical Hebrew has seven.
美国人所谓的“愤怒”(anger)在俄语中对应着两个完全不同的词——一个是针对个人的,称为“serditsia”;另一个被用于更抽象的原因,如政治局势,称为“zlitsia”。古希腊人用不同的词称呼迅速爆发出来的怒气和长期持久的愤怒。德语中有三个不同的词表示愤怒,中文里有五个,古希伯来语里有七个。
In the past few weeks, many varieties of anger have been on vivid display. For starters, we now have an iconic angry man as the president-elect. Donald J. Trump is aggressive as he insists there’s something wrong with the country, and offensive when he’s provoked. He employs anger effectively to maintain his power and status. His anger is seen by his fans as strength and by his detractors as bombast.
在过去的几个星期,许多种类的愤怒都得到了生动的展示。首先,我们现在的候任总统就是一个标志性的愤怒人物。唐纳德•J•特朗普(Donald J. Trump)在坚称这个国家有问题的时候表现得格外好斗,被激怒时又显得非常无礼。他有效地利用愤怒来维护自己的权力和地位。他的愤怒被拥趸们视为力量,被批评者们视为虚张声势。
We’ve also seen Hillary Clinton’s more restrained anger, which she has directed against the divisiveness she perceived during the campaign. To her proponents, Mrs. Clinton’s anger fueled her resolve to push back against Mr. Trump’s most egregious statements. To her detractors, her anger made her a shrew.
我们还看到了希拉里•克林顿(Hillary Clinton)更加克制的愤怒,这是针对她在竞选期间所感受到的分裂状态。对支持者们来说,正是愤怒促使克林顿下定决心,反击特朗普那些最恶劣的主张。对批评者们来说,愤怒令她显得像个泼妇。
You, most likely, have also felt a wide range of angers throughout this election. Perhaps you’ve been incensed at the perceived elitism of the 1 percent who seem blind to their own privilege, arrogance and condescension. Perhaps you’ve felt outrage about the humiliation of women, minorities and immigrants. Perhaps you want to lash out against your idiot fellow citizens on the other side of our gaping political divide, or at your own candidate for committing bone-headed errors in judgment.
在这次选举中,你很可能也感受到了广泛的愤怒。也许你对那1%被视为精英的人感到愤怒,他们似乎对自己的特权、傲慢与优越感完全视而不见。也许你对女性、少数族裔和移民所受的屈辱感到愤怒。面对我们不断扩大的政治鸿沟,你或许很想抨击站在另一边的白痴同胞,抑或是批评你支持的候选人犯下了极大的判断失误。
Other varieties of anger involve frustration and helplessness. If you believe you’ve been treated unfairly by the powers that be and left behind economically, you feel this anger. If you shudder in anticipation that eight years of progress will be rolled back, or that other people will decide the fate of the planet and your children will suffer as a consequence, you also feel this anger.
其他种类的愤怒还涉及挫折感与无助感。如果你相信自己被掌权者不公正地对待,在经济上遭到抛弃、落于人后,你便会感受到这种愤怒。如果你一想到八年的进步将要倒退便会全身发抖,觉得地球的命运将由其他人来决定,你的孩子将会因此而受苦,你也会感受到这种愤怒。
Anger can distance people from one another, producing two sides of a vitriolic debate or leading people to isolate themselves from the nastiness. If the election prompted you to shut off the car radio, stop reading Twitter or sit in silence with your gnawing thoughts, you’ve felt this anger.
愤怒可以让人们彼此疏远,令双方尖刻地争吵,或是令人把自己同恶意隔绝开来。如果选举令你关掉了汽车收音机,不再看Twitter,或是满心痛苦,一言不发,你已经感受到了这种愤怒。
But not all varieties of anger are divisive and destructive. Others are uplifting and constructive — an antidote to hopelessness. If you’re furious at the political situation, researchers have found, your anger may lead others to try to soothe you, strengthening your bonds with them. If you believe in a vision of America that has been demolished, the anger you share with other like-minded citizens can be empowering, scientists have discovered, and lead to collective action. This kind of anger can even create a community.
但不是所有类型的愤怒都是产生分裂和破坏的。还有一些是令人振奋和建设性的――它们是绝望的解毒剂。研究人员发现,如果你对政治局势感到愤怒,这种愤怒可能会导致他人试图安抚你,从而加强你与他们之间的纽带。如果你相信美国的愿景被破坏,科学家发现,你与其他有类似想法的公民共有的愤怒可以令你们感到有了力量,并最终化为集体行动。这种愤怒甚至可以创建一个社区。
Buddhism teaches that anger is a form of ignorance, namely of other people’s points of view. If, in the midst of your fury, you can manage to see your opponents not as evil but as frustrated and trying to make a change, anger can actually cultivate empathy for the other side. In this sense, some angers are a form of wisdom.
佛教认为愤怒是无知的一种形式,也就是对他人观点的无知。如果你在愤怒的时候也可以设法看到,你的对手并不是邪恶的,只是感到沮丧和试图改变,那么愤怒实际上可以培养对对方的同理心。在这个意义上,一些愤怒其实是智慧的一种形式。
Another constructive variety of anger can help in a contest, political or otherwise. Think about football players who intentionally cultivate anger before a game. They shout and jump and pump their fists in the air to get themselves in the right frame of mind for crushing the competition. Their aggression enhances their performance and tells their opponents to beware. That’s what happened in the 2016 campaign. Voters worked themselves up into righteous anger and took action.
另一种建设性的愤怒可以在竞赛、政治或类似领域内有所帮助。想想在比赛前有意培养愤怒的橄榄球运动员。他们喊叫,跳跃,挥舞拳头,制造适宜的情绪,以便主宰比赛。攻击性可以让他们有更好的表现并让对手提起注意。这也是2016年的大选中所发生的事。选民投入正直的愤怒,并采取了行动。
There’s even a constructive anger that’s delivered through humor. If you’ve watched late-night TV as comedians skewer political figures that you loathe, you’ve felt this anger and its cathartic effects.
甚至还有一种建设性的愤怒可以通过幽默传达出来。如果你看过深夜电视中喜剧演员讽刺你讨厌的政治人物,你就可以感受到这种愤怒,以及它帮助人宣泄情绪的效果。
We are a divided country, but we are united by anger. Our individual explosions are signals that we care strongly about something — that we’re deeply invested — even if our angers are about different things. Some Americans are newly angry after the election. Others progressed from anger to delight when Mr. Trump prevailed. But if he acts contrary to their expectations, those joyful feelings might well transform into outrage once again.
我们是一个分裂的国家,但我们又被愤怒联合在一起。个人愤怒的爆发表明我们非常在乎某些东西――我们深切地投入其中――即使我们的愤怒所针对的是不同的事情。一些美国人在选举后有了新的愤怒。其他人则因为特朗普的胜利,感到自己的愤怒变成了喜悦。但如果他的行为违背了他们的期望,那些快乐的感觉可能会再次转变为愤怒。

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 楼主| 发表于 2016-12-9 11:48:09 | 显示全部楼层
尴尬瞬间:罗姆尼和特朗普共进晚餐

更新时间:2016-12-1 19:01:09 来源:纽约时报中文网 作者:佚名

A Snapshot Captures the Awkward Courtship Between Trump and Romney

尴尬瞬间:罗姆尼和特朗普共进晚餐

At Jean-Georges, a three-star Michelin restaurant on the first floor of his namesake hotel in New York, Donald J. Trump took time out of his Tuesday schedule to share a four-course meal with Mitt Romney and Reince Priebus, his soon-to-be White House chief of staff.
米其林三星餐厅让-乔治(Jean-Georges)位于纽约同名酒店的一楼,本周二,唐纳德•J•特朗普(Donald J. Trump)抽时间和米特•罗姆尼(Mitt Romney)以及未来的白宫幕僚长雷恩斯•普利巴斯(Reince Priebus)在那里吃了一顿四道菜的晚餐。
Rain was falling outside. Young garlic soup and frog legs were on the menu. In other words, it was the perfect occasion for a photo op.
外面下着雨,他们吃着青蒜汤和青蛙腿。换句话说,这是一个完美的拍照机会。
There were plenty of pictures taken of this meeting, but one stood out in particular. It cut Mr. Priebus out of the frame. It showed Mr. Trump leaning forward over his food — perhaps the soup, with an errant frog leg inching its way to the top of the bowl? — with a sly smile.
这次会面被拍下了很多照片,但有一张特别引人瞩目。照片里没有普利巴斯。特朗普面带狡猾的微笑,朝着他的食物微微前倾——也许是汤,一条任性的青蛙腿露了出来。
And then there was Mr. Romney.
旁边是罗姆尼。
The former Massachusetts governor, who has been mentioned as possible secretary of state in the Trump administration, was photographed as he turned, his chin leaning into the crook of his neck, and gazed with a furrowed brow into the camera. On social media, viewers — many of them journalists, authors, denizens of Hollywood and liberals for the most part — saw what they thought to be a pained expression.
罗姆尼是前马萨诸塞州州长,据说可能会成为特朗普政府的国务卿,照片中的他扭过身,下巴内缩,皱着眉凝视着相机。在社交媒体上,看到照片的人——很多是记者、作家、好莱坞人和自由派人士——觉得这是一种痛苦的表情。
Of course, there were more important things happening on Tuesday:
当然,周二还有更重要的事情在发生:
— Steven Mnuchin, a financier with connections to Wall Street and Hollywood, was reported to have been tapped for Treasury Secretary. Mr. Mnuchin got his start at Goldman Sachs, a frequent target of Mr. Trump’s ire on the campaign trail.
——在华尔街和好莱坞拥有人脉的金融人士史蒂文•努钦(Steven Mnuchin)据说会被任命为财政部长。努钦出身于高盛(Goldman Sachs),而特朗普在竞选活动中常常怒斥高盛。
— Carrier, a large air-conditioning company based in Indianapolis, said that it would keep about 1,000 jobs in the state after having prepared to move about 2,000 jobs to Mexico. The company is said to be receiving economic incentives from Indiana to stay.
——位于印第安纳波利斯的大型空调公司开利(Carrier)表示,本来准备将大约2000个工作岗位转移到墨西哥,现在决定在该州保留大约1000个工作岗位。据说该公司从印第安纳获得了留在那里的经济激励。
— Also, Mr. Trump set off a barrage of coverage after he said in an early morning tweet that people who burned the United States flag should perhaps be jailed or lose their citizenship.
——此外,特朗普清晨发Twitter消息说,烧毁美国国旗的人应该关牢房或失去公民身份,这引发了一大堆报道。
In this era, a lot can happen in one day.
在这个时代,一天之内可以发生很多事情。
We’ll never really know what caused this uncomfortable-looking glimpse, of course. For all we know, it was a bad scallop. Maybe Mr. Romney doesn’t enjoy frog legs. And again, the photo, by Drew Angerer, was one of several taken.
当然,我们永远不会知道究竟是什么原因导致了罗姆尼这种不舒服的表情。说不定是一个坏了的扇贝。也许罗姆尼不喜欢青蛙腿。而且,德鲁•安格尔(Drew Angerer)拍的这张照片也只是好几张中的一张。
But Mr. Romney’s statement to reporters after the meeting seemed to reinforce a conclusion that many drew about this frozen instant of time.
但是在这次见面后,罗姆尼对记者做的声明似乎支持了一个结论,很多人看了这张凝固那一刻的照片都得出了这个结论。
“He did something I tried to do and was unsuccessful in accomplishing: He won the general election,” Mr. Romney said after the meal. “He continues with a message of inclusion and bringing people together, and his vision is something which obviously connected with the American people in a very powerful way.”
“他做了一些我想做却没有成功的事情:他赢得了大选,”罗姆尼在饭后说。“他继续发出一个包容性的、团结性的讯息,他的愿景显然以一种非常有力的方式与美国人民息息相关。”
It was a departure from a statement made by Mr. Romney nine months ago, when he tried to draw support away from Mr. Trump in a speech, saying that the candidate was “playing the American public for suckers.” Mr. Romney targeted Mr. Trump on his vague economic policies, his bankruptcies, his admiration of Vladimir Putin, and his marital infidelity.
这和罗姆尼九个月前的一个声明大相径庭,当时他在一个演讲中试图打消人们支持特朗普的念头。他说,作为总统候选人,特朗普“把美国公众当傻瓜耍”。罗姆尼当时的攻击点是特朗普模糊的经济政策,他的破产经历,他对普京的钦佩,以及他对婚姻的不忠。
He also invited the public to watch how Mr. Trump responded to his speech.
他还建议公众观察特朗普如何回应他的演讲。
“Will he talk about our policy differences?” Mr. Romney asked. “Or will he attack me with every imaginable low-road insult? This may tell you what you need to know about his temperament, his stability and his suitability to be president.”
“他会谈我们的政策差异吗?”罗姆尼问道。“还是说他会用各种卑鄙的侮辱来攻击我?这可能会让你看到他的气质、他的稳定性和他是否适合当总统。”
Mr. Trump quickly returned fire during a campaign rally in Maine, where he called Mr. Romney “irrelevant” and a “failed candidate.” Mr. Trump’s supporters booed and cheered.
特朗普在缅因州举行的一次竞选集会上迅速做出反击,说罗姆尼“无足轻重”,是“失败的候选人”。特朗普的支持者发出了嘘声和欢呼声。
“He failed badly,” Mr. Trump said of Mr. Romney. “That was a race, I have to say folks, that should have been won. That was a race that absolutely should have been won, and I don’t know what happened to him.”
“他败得很惨,”特朗普说罗姆尼。“我不得不说,那场竞争本来应该赢的。绝对应该赢。我不知道他发生了什么事。”
Mr. Trump also described how Mr. Romney had begged for his endorsement in that race. “I could have said, ‘Mitt, drop to your knees.’ He would’ve dropped to his knees.”
特朗普还描述了罗姆尼如何在那场大选中恳求他的认可。“我可以说‘米特,跪下来’,他就会跪下来。”
Whatever happens with Mr. Romney’s continuing public job interview, the Jean-Georges photo op was one of the stranger turns in the aftermath of the election. Already, articles listing all the critical things Mr. Romney and Mr. Trump have said about each other had become something of a genre. There had been calls for a public apology from Mr. Romney. And Mr. Trump’s inner circle was seemingly in open battle over the very idea of him joining the team.
不管罗姆尼的职位面试会怎么样,让-乔治餐厅拍摄的这张照片都是大选后的奇怪转变之一。列出罗姆尼和特朗普之间的各种互喷已经成为了一种体裁。有人呼吁罗姆尼公开道歉。而特朗普的小圈子对于是否让罗姆尼加入团队似乎也存在公开的矛盾。
It all brings to mind the internet trope, drawn from an old Nationwide Insurance ad: life comes at you fast.
这不免让人想起网上的一句俗话,它来自于全美互惠保险(Nationwide Insurance)以前的一则广告:这世界变化太快。
Try not to spill your soup.
汤别撒了。

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 楼主| 发表于 2016-12-9 11:48:38 | 显示全部楼层
卡斯特罗的这篇讣告,我们写了57年

更新时间:2016-12-1 11:00:28 来源:纽约时报中文网 作者:佚名

Decades in the Making: Fidel Castro’s Obituary

卡斯特罗的这篇讣告,我们写了57年

New York Times journalists recount their work on the Cuban revolutionary’s obituary, first drafted in 1959.
《纽约时报》记者讲述了他们对这位古巴革命者讣告的编撰工作,它最初起草于1959年。
Death Plan
死亡计划书
By Randal C. Archibold
作者:兰迪•阿奇博德(Randal C. Archibold)
Every Mexico correspondent in recent years, myself included, inherited and worked on the Fidel Castro “Death Plan.” We all thought for sure it would happen on our watch — only to see Castro outlive our tenures, just as he outlasted presidents.
近些年来,每个驻墨西哥记者,包括我自己在内,都接手并修改过菲德尔•卡斯特罗(Fidel Castro)的“死亡计划书”。我们都以为,这件事肯定会发生在我们的任期之内——结果却眼睁睁看着卡斯特罗坚持到超出我们的任期,就像他超过各位总统的任期一样。
Azam Ahmed, the Mexico bureau chief, is now that sweepstakes “winner,” though Damien Cave, by amazing luck, is the one who was actually there when it happened — on vacation.
墨西哥分社社长阿扎姆•艾哈迈德(Azam Ahmed)现在成为独占鳌头的“赢家”,虽然达米恩•凯夫(Damien Cave)才是事情发生时真正在古巴的人——他运气奇佳,当时正在那里度假。
Randy Archibold, a onetime Mexico correspondent, is The Times’s deputy sports editor.
(兰迪•阿奇博德曾经是驻墨西哥记者,现在是《纽约时报》的体育版副主编。)
Momentous Vacation
重大假期
By Damien Cave
作者:达米恩•凯夫
I was just finishing up a momentous vacation — a return to Cuba with my wife, who is Cuban-American, my two kids, and my father-in-law, who was visiting Cuba for the first time since leaving as a child 56 years earlier.
我的一个重要假期刚刚结束了。这次度假,我和妻子、两个孩子,以及岳父回了一趟古巴。我妻子是古巴裔美国人,岳父在56年前离开古巴时还是个孩子,这是他第一次重返那里。
We were supposed to just get up and fly home. But then I heard a jumble of noises: a loud phone in our hotel room and a pounding on our hotel door. It was dark still, before sunup, and I was far too dazed to hazard a theory about what was going on.
我们本应起床然后坐飞机回家。但这时,我听到了一阵杂乱的声音:酒店房间里大声响起的电话铃声和门上猛烈的拍响声。外面还是漆黑一片,太阳还没出来,我太茫然了,猜不出发生了什么事情。
So I opened the door, and there stood Raul, my father-in-law, dressed and wide awake. “Fidel’s dead,” he said. His face held decades of emotion with taut intensity. Then he rushed in to turn on the television.
于是我打开门,门外站着我的岳父劳尔(Raul)。他穿戴整齐,毫无睡意的样子。“菲德尔死了,”他说。他的脸上流露出了积压数十载的情感。然后,他快步走进屋里,打开电视。
From there, it was a scramble to figure out what to do, leading eventually to my family leaving and me staying behind. It was all a stunning turn of events. I’d been coming to Cuba for nearly 20 years, but what I kept thinking of was an exchange I’d had with Susan Chira, then the Foreign Desk editor, back in 2006 when Fidel first fell ill.
在房间里,我们慌乱地计划该怎么办。最终的决定是家人先走,我留下来。简直是形势陡变。近20年里我经常来古巴,但那时我一直在想的却是2006年菲德尔第一次生病时,我和时任国际新闻部编辑苏珊•希拉(Susan Chira)的一次交谈。
I was in Iraq covering the war at the time — a young, clueless correspondent with more passion than wisdom, and I volunteered right then to go to Cuba if Fidel was about to depart the island he’d ruled for decades. Never mind Baghdad. I craved Havana.
当时,在伊拉克报道战事的我还是一个一窍不通的年轻记者,激情多过智慧。我主动提出,如果菲德尔即将离开那座他统治了几十年的岛屿,我愿意去古巴。不管巴格达了。我渴望去哈瓦那。
That request to go turned out to be a premature. I went from Iraq to Miami thinking maybe that would get me here to Havana; then I went to Mexico, from which I made frequent trips to Cuba, living out a dream of covering the island as it edged into an economic transition that many of us had gamed out without really knowing how slow and complicated a process it would be.
事实证明,去古巴的请求提得为时过早。我从伊拉克去了迈阿密,以为或许这样能让我去到哈瓦那。然后,我又去了墨西哥,并经常从墨西哥去古巴,实现了在这个小岛逐步走向经济转型时对其进行报道的梦想。其实我们中的很多人直到离开,都不知道这个过程会有多么缓慢和复杂。
Even now, as I write from a Wi-Fi hot spot in Havana (my card is about to run out of time!) I wonder about where Fidel’s death fits into Cuba’s evolution. Because that’s what it is now: evolution, not revolution. Fidel’s obituary, his death, is the end of a chapter, as one Cuban told me, but far from the end of the entire tale.
即使是此刻,当我借助哈瓦那的一个Wi-Fi热点写东西的时候(我卡里的时间快要用完了!),仍在琢磨菲德尔的死在古巴的蜕变中意味着什么。因为蜕变,而非革命,才是当下的主题。正如一个古巴人告诉我的,菲德尔的讣告和死亡是一个篇章的结束,但绝不是整个故事的结束。
Indeed, like many others on the island today, I have dreams for this place. More joy. More “Cubanidad,” or Cubanness. And someday, I hope to be here again. With my family. With a chance to write. With a chance to observe.
事实上,像现如今生活在岛上的很多人一样,我对这个地方抱有很多希望。希望它拥有更多欢愉,呈现出更多“古巴性”。但愿我有朝一日还能和家人重返这里,有机会写作,有机会观察。
Until then, all I can say is that I’m happy to have contributed to the enormous effort of covering the end of Fidel’s era — even if took a stroke of luck to make it happen. Maybe because of it.
在那之前我只能说,很多人为报道菲德尔时代的终结付出了巨大努力,我为自己能参与其中而感到高兴——即便需要一点点运气才行。或许这恰恰就是原因。
Damien Cave — formerly a correspondent in Mexico City, Miami, Baghdad and Newark — is deputy national editor for digital.
(达米恩•凯夫曾是驻墨西哥城、迈阿密、巴格达和纽瓦克的记者,目前是数字部门的美国新闻副主编。)
Countless Edits, Updates, Revisions
无数次编辑、更新和修正
By Susan Chira
作者:苏珊•希拉(Susan Chira)
For years, as we weathered one scare after another that Fidel Castro had died, I kept the Cuba plan close at hand. We had lists of every Times reporter who either had experience with or family ties to Cuba. Some would go straight to Miami; others would try various routes to Cuba, even though no one had visas. The former executive editor, Bill Keller, and I made a pilgrimage to Havana in 2009 to plead for better access, to no avail, although I did have my copy of “Love in the Time of Cholera” signed by Gabriel García Márquez, a career highlight.
多年来,当我们被菲德尔•卡斯特罗逝世的谣言一次又一次地吓一大跳的时候,我手头一直保留着关于古巴的报道计划。我们有一份名单,所有在古巴待过或者在那里有亲人的时报记者都被登记在册。一些人会直接去迈阿密;另一些人则会尝试沿着种种路线前往古巴,尽管谁都没有签证。我和前主编比尔•凯勒(Bill Keller)曾在2009年前往哈瓦那,请求获得更便利的采访条件,但却徒劳无功。不过,加夫列尔•加西亚•马尔克斯(Gabriel Garcia Marquez)的确给我那本《霍乱时期的爱情》签了名,这堪称我职业生涯的一个亮点。
We even had a plan to sneak someone in via the southeastern city of Santiago de Cuba, where Fidel launched the revolution in 1953 and proclaimed victory in 1959, on the thought it might be easier to slip into the country outside Havana. The Miami bureau had standing instructions to head to Little Havana (and thankfully in Lizette Alvarez we had a Cuban expatriate who had grown up there).
我们甚至计划派人经由东南部城市圣地亚哥-德古巴偷偷潜入,因为觉得溜进这个国家除哈瓦那以外的地方或许更容易一些。菲德尔于1953年在圣地亚哥-德古巴市发起了革命,并于1959年宣布获得胜利。迈阿密分社有关于前往小哈瓦那的一些长期有效的指导意见(而且托莉泽特•阿尔瓦雷斯[Lizette Alvarez]的福,我们有一位在那里长大的古巴移民)。
The magisterial obituary, by Anthony DePalma, whose wife had fled Cuba with her family, was copy edited and then revised countless times over more than a decade.
这篇权威性的讣告由安瑟尼‧德帕尔马(Anthony DePalma)撰写,他的妻子及家人是从古巴逃离的。在过去十几年里,讣告被编辑和修改了无数次。
There had been wide predictions of unrest when Fidel died, but that prospect faded after the successful handoff to his brother Raúl. I remember several scares when many of us flocked to the newsroom late at night or on weekends, rereading the obituary, laying out pages, and drawing up coverage plans, only to stand down.
人们曾对菲德尔去世时的动荡局面有过种种预测,但在他成功传位给弟弟劳尔(Raúl)后,这些猜想渐渐消失了。我还记得有好几次,我们在深夜或周末慌慌张张地聚在编辑室里,重读讣告、规划版面、起草报道方案,最后总是白忙一场。
This time it was true, and the years of preparation paid off.
而这一次,消息是真的,多年的准备终于有了回报。
Susan Chira — senior correspondent and editor, gender issues — was foreign editor from 2004 to 2011.
(苏珊•希拉(Susan Chira)是《纽约时报》资深记者、性别议题编辑,曾在2004至2011年间担任外国新闻编辑。)
Countless Hours
无数个小时
By William McDonald
作者:威廉•麦克唐纳(William McDonald)
Fidel Castro’s obituary cost us more man/woman hours over the years than any piece we’ve ever run.
比起其他任何人的讣告,菲德尔•卡斯特罗这篇让我们花费的时间是最多的。
Every time there was a rumor of death, we’d pull the obit off the shelf, dust it off, send it back to the writer, Tony DePalma, for any necessary updates, maybe add a little more polish here and there and then send it on to be copy-edited and made ready — yet again — for publication.
每当有卡斯特罗逝世的谣言传出,我们都会把讣告从架子上拿下来,掸掉灰尘,回传给作者安瑟尼‧德帕尔马,看看是否需要做出任何更新,可能会在这里或者那里做一点儿润色,然后发给相关人员进行编辑,再一次做好发表的准备。
My biggest worry was that when the day finally came, we’d get word at, say, 10 o’clock on a Saturday night and literally have to stop the presses in the middle of the run for the Sunday paper and somehow, on the fly, shoehorn all those thousands of words into it. (Ugh.)
我当初最担心的是,那一天终于到来的时候,我们得知消息是在周六晚上10点之类的时间,不得不叫停正在印制周日版报纸的印刷机,匆匆忙忙地设法把几千字塞进去。
As it happened, the timing worked out fine: too late for the Saturday paper but right on the money for the full Sunday run, and of course digital readers had it with their Saturday morning coffee.
碰巧,这次的时机堪称完美:对周六的报纸来说是太迟了,但刚好可以赶上周日版的整个制作流程。当然了,数字版读者可以在周六早上边喝咖啡边看讣告。
Bill McDonald is The Times’s obituaries editor.
(比尔•麦克唐纳是时报的讣告编辑。)

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 楼主| 发表于 2016-12-9 11:49:12 | 显示全部楼层
泰国总理变“健身总教头”,敦促公务员锻炼

更新时间:2016-12-1 18:58:55 来源:纽约时报中文网 作者:佚名

Thailand’s Civil Servants Urged to Take a Break to Break a Sweat

泰国总理变“健身总教头”,敦促公务员锻炼

BANGKOK — He is already prime minister of Thailand and the chief of a military junta that seized power in a 2014 coup.
曼谷——他已经是泰国的总理,也是在2014年的政变中夺取政权的军政府首领。
Now, Gen. Prayuth Chan-ocha can add another title: aerobics master in chief.
现在,巴育•占奥差(Prayuth Chan-ocha)将军可以再增加一个头衔:有氧健身总教练。
Thailand’s military junta has turned an eye toward its civil servants’ behavior — and heart rates — through a new policy that urges them to exercise once a week during working hours.
泰国军政府开始关注公务员的行为——及心率,它颁布了一项新政策,敦促公务员在工作时间每周锻炼一次。
Officials said that the voluntary program, which began Wednesday, was part of a national campaign to model good behavior for children, and that General Prayuth had created it after learning of research that documented widespread physical idleness among Thailand’s youth and older citizens.
多名泰国官员称,自周三开启的这个自愿项目是一项旨在为儿童树立好榜样的全国性运动的一部分。他们表示,巴育将军是在得悉有研究显示泰国的年轻人和老年人普遍懒于运动之后,制定了这项政策。
“Your health will improve and this will be invaluable in the performance of your duties for the nation,” General Prayuth told senior civil servants at an exercise session last week in Bangkok, according to a report by Thailand’s public broadcaster.
“你们的健康会得到改善,这对你们履行肩负的国家职责是极为有用的,”据泰国的公共广播机构报道,巴育在上周于曼谷举行的一次健身活动中对高层公务员讲道。
At an exercise session in Bangkok on Wednesday, four instructors from the Department of Physical Education led about 60 Finance Ministry officials through an aerobics class.
在周三于曼谷举行的这个健身活动上,来自泰国体育教育部(Department of Physical Education)的四名教练,带领约60名财政部官员上了一节有氧运动课。
“Are you excited today?” the lead instructor, Sumalee Homsombat, asked from a stage as dance music thumped from nearby speakers. “We will soon bring entertainment to your body and mind.”
“你们今天感觉兴奋吗?”首席教练素玛立•洪宋巴(Sumalee Homsombat)在一个舞台上问道,附近的音响里传出欢动的舞曲。“我们很快就会让你们感到身心愉悦。”
“Do your best, but don’t be too hard on yourselves,” she added. “It might harm your muscles.”
“尽力而为,但不要对自己太严厉,”她接着讲。“那样可能会伤到肌肉。”
Some of the workers grumbled that it was too hot or that they had not brought workout clothes, said Nuttanun Amaroek, a policy and operations analyst at the ministry.
财政部政策与业务分析师努塔农•阿马罗克(Nuttanun Amaroek)表示,有些工作人员抱怨天气太热,或说自己没带锻炼的衣服。
But Ms. Nuttanun, 35, said the 90-minute workout was a win-win situation for her: She said she had not found much time to exercise after a recent promotion added responsibilities and overtime hours to her workday.
但35岁的努塔农表示,90分钟的锻炼对她来说是一种双赢:她说因为最近升了职,她肩负了更多责任,平日还得加班,没有太多时间可以锻炼。
“This happens during our working hours, so when I exercise here, it’s like I’m working at the same time,” she said, tying her hair back before the class started.
“这个项目是在我们的工作时间进行,所以我在这儿锻炼的时候,就好像同时也在工作,”在课程开始前,她一边说一边把头发扎到脑后。
The military junta seized power from a democratically elected government in a 2014 coup and has since imposed draconian controls over civilian life. It has barred public gatherings of more than five people, for example, and used existing lèse-majesté laws to aggressively prosecute anything — including Facebook posts — that it deems offensive to Thailand’s powerful monarchy.
军政府是在2014年的一场政变中,从一个民主选举的政府手中夺取了政权,之后便对民众的生活进行严苛的控制。比如,它禁止举行超过五人的公开集会活动,利用依然存在的《亵渎王室法》(lèse-majesté laws)竭力对付在它看来会对泰国强大的君主制构成侵犯的任何事物提起诉讼——包括Facebook上的帖子。
After the death in October of King Bhumibol Adulyadej, Thailand’s beloved and long-ruling monarch, the junta initiated a one-year period of national mourning. It also ordered an end to “joyful events” for 30 days and asked people to wear only black and white out of respect.
在泰国长期在位、备受爱戴的君主普密蓬•阿杜德(Bhumibol Adulyadej)于今年10月去世后,泰国军政府发起为期一年的全国哀悼行动。它要求30天内不得进行“欢乐的活动”,还要求人们只能穿黑白两色,以示尊重。
Civil servants mainly wore black and white to the workout that General Prayuth hosted on the grounds of his palatial office complex on Wednesday. But the mood was buoyant as the general, clad in white sneakers and a black tracksuit, led officials through aerobics and sepaktakraw, a Southeast Asian net game that loosely resembles volleyball.
在巴育于周三在他宫殿式的办公楼庭园主持的健身活动上,公务员们主要身着黑白两色。但现场的气氛总体是轻快的,巴育穿着白色运动鞋和黑色运动服,带领官员们做有氧运动、打腾球。后者是东南亚一种隔网比赛的球类运动,有点像排球。
“I’ll do a warm-up with you for 10, 15 minutes, and then we’ll take a rest,” he said. “Last time we didn’t rest, so it was quite exhausting.”
“我会跟你们一起做10到15分钟的热身,然后我们就休息一下,”他说。“上次我们没有休息,所以感觉非常累。”

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 楼主| 发表于 2016-12-9 11:49:41 | 显示全部楼层
特朗普承诺脱离家族企业,被指心不诚

更新时间:2016-12-1 10:40:50 来源:纽约时报中文网 作者:佚名

Trump Vows Steps to Avoid Appearance of Business Conflicts

特朗普承诺脱离家族企业,被指心不诚

WASHINGTON — President-elect Donald Trump on Wednesday said he would take steps to separate himself from his vast, global business empire in the hopes of preventing the appearance of a conflict of interest as he becomes president.
华盛顿——候任总统唐纳德•特朗普(Donald Trump)周三表示,他将采取措施从自己庞大的全球商业帝国脱身,以免在担任总统时出现利益冲突。
But Trump’s announcement, delivered in a series of early-morning posts on Twitter, drew an immediate rebuke from legal and ethics experts in Washington, who said that a close reading of the actual words in the posts suggests that Trump is not planning to take sufficient steps to eliminate the conflicts.
然而,特朗普周三清早在Twitter上发表多条推文做出的这个宣布,立即引起了华盛顿法律和伦理专家的指责,他们说,通过仔细阅读推文中的措辞,表明特朗普并不打算采取足够多的措施来杜绝这种冲突。
The president-elect provided few details, but promised to hold a “major news conference” with his adult children in two weeks to reveal legal documents that will remove him from what he called the “business operations” of his company. He vowed to leave the Trump Organization “in total” to focus on running the country from the White House.
特朗普几乎没有提供任何细节,但是承诺将在两周内与成年子女举行一个“大的新闻发布会”,在会上展示让他脱离公司“商业运营”的法律文件。他发誓要“完全”离开特朗普集团(Trump Organization),全神贯注于在白宫管理国家事务上。
The emphasis on “business operations,” not on ownership, hinted that Trump is not ruling out retaining a financial stake in the Trump Organization or putting his children in control of the company. Ethics experts said such moves would leave Mr. Trump vulnerable to accusations that his official actions are motivated by personal financial interests.
但强调“商业运营”而不是所有权,暗示他可能会保留特朗普集团的财务权益,或者是让子女来管理公司。伦理专家说,如果这样做,别人就很容易指责特朗普的官方行为受到了个人经济利益的驱动。
“Although it is of course important that he have no involvement in Trump business operations, in order to avoid conflicts he must also exit the ownership of his businesses through using a blind trust or equivalent,” Norman Eisen, who served as a White House ethics lawyer in the Obama administration, and Richard Painter, an ethics lawyer in the Bush administration, said in a joint statement to The New York Times.
“虽然为了避免冲突,他不参与商业运作当然也很重要,但他还必须通过使用保密信托或类似方式放弃他的商业所有权,”曾任奥巴马政府白宫伦理问题律师的诺曼•艾森(Norman Eisen)与布什政府伦理律师理查德•弗特(Richard Painter)在《纽约时报》上发表联合声明说。
Noah Bookbinder, executive director of Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics, a liberal nonprofit group that promotes ethics in government, said: “Unless his solution is to sell the business outside the family and put the proceeds in a blind trust, he’s not really doing anything to solve the problem. Just because you say something on Twitter doesn’t make it so.”
公民责任与道德(Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics)是一个促进政府伦理的自由派非营利组织,其执行总监诺阿•布克班德(Noah Bookbinder)说:“除非特朗普的解决方案是把生意出让给本家族以外的买家,把收益放在保密信托之下,其他方式都不能解决问题。仅凭你在Twitter上说了一些话,并不意味着事情就会这样。”
It remains unclear what the president-elect’s plan will look like, but simply removing Trump from operational, day-to-day control of business decisions still could allow him to benefit financially from payments made to his companies by foreign governments, which may be prohibited by the so-called emoluments clause of the Constitution, Eisen said.
目前还不清楚这位候任总统有什么计划,但仅仅让特朗普放弃经营性的日常业务决策控制权,他仍然可以从经济上受益于外国政府支付给他公司的钱,这可能是被宪法中的“报酬条款”所禁止的,艾森说。

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 楼主| 发表于 2016-12-9 11:50:03 | 显示全部楼层
特朗普提名华裔移民赵小兰出任交通部长

更新时间:2016-12-1 10:57:15 来源:纽约时报中文网 作者:佚名

Trump Picks Elaine Chao for Transportation Secretary

特朗普提名华裔移民赵小兰出任交通部长

WASHINGTON — She is a woman and an immigrant, a fixture of the Republican establishment for two decades. She is a savvy and professional practitioner of the capital’s inside game.
华盛顿——她是一位女性,也是一名移民,作为共和党建制派的显要人物已有20年之久。她是精通首都圈内游戏的职业玩家。
And now she is going to work for President-elect Donald J. Trump.
现在,她要为候任总统唐纳德•J•特朗普(Donald J. Trump)工作了。
Mr. Trump named Elaine L. Chao on Tuesday as his choice to be the next secretary of transportation, elevating someone whose background and experience are in many respects completely at odds with the brash and disruptive tenor of his anti-Washington campaign.
周二,特朗普任命赵小兰(Elaine L. Chao)为他的交通部长人选。从许多方面讲,被擢升者的背景和经验都与他的反华盛顿竞选活动那种莽撞和扰乱性的基调不符。
But her selection also signaled Mr. Trump’s understanding of the need to surround himself with people who can help him accomplish the most ambitious parts of his agenda, even if they come from the political establishment he has so often scorned.
但选择这样的人也释放出一个信号,即特朗普明白他需要在身边凝聚一些能帮他完成自身议程中最艰难那些部分的人,哪怕他们来自他通常会鄙视的政治建制势力。
His transportation secretary is likely to be one of the more essential players. Mr. Trump, a real estate magnate, has said that infrastructure redevelopment will be a priority of his first 100 days in office. And Ms. Chao has experience — politically and personally — in navigating the competing centers of power in the capital. She is married to Senator Mitch McConnell, Republican of Kentucky and the majority leader.
他的交通部长有可能是比较关键的角色之一。作为房地产大亨,特朗普曾表示,基础设施重建会是他履职头100天里的一个优先事项。不管是在政治还是个人层面,赵小兰都有游走于对立的首都权力派系之间的经验。她的丈夫是肯塔基州共和党人、参议院多数党领袖米奇•麦康奈尔(Mitch McConnell)。
This will be her second time serving in a White House cabinet if she is confirmed. As secretary of labor under President George W. Bush, she was the only official in his administration to serve all eight years.
如果得到批准,这将是赵小兰第二次在白宫内阁担任职务。作为乔治•W•布什(George W. Bush)总统的劳工部长,她是唯一一位在其政府效力满八年的官员。
Before that, she worked in various departments across the federal government. She was a White House fellow under President Ronald Reagan and the director of the Peace Corps under President George Bush, who also named her deputy transportation secretary.
在那之前,赵小兰在联邦政府不同的部门工作过。她曾在罗纳德•里根(Ronald Reagan)政府时期担任白宫学者,在乔治•布什(George Bush)政府时期担任和平队(Peace Corps)队长,后者还任命她为交通部副部长。
“That says something,” said Richard F. Hohlt, a veteran Republican consultant and friend of Ms. Chao’s. “She knows how to work a bureaucracy, and she knows how to last.”
“这很能说明问题,”赵小兰的朋友、共和党资深顾问理查德•F•霍尔特(Richard F. Hohlt)说道。“她知道如何做一名政府官员,知道如何坚持下去。”
Her résumé speaks to the ease with which she runs in powerful circles in Washington and beyond. She has worked for Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government as well as the conservative Heritage Foundation. She was also a frequent commentator on Fox News, a role that several of Mr. Trump’s other cabinet picks and candidates share, like K. T. McFarland, whom he named as his deputy national security adviser.
赵小兰的简历显示了她在华盛顿内外的权力圈子里都能如鱼得水。她既为哈佛大学肯尼迪政府学院(Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government)工作过,也曾效力于保守的传统基金会(Heritage Foundation)。她还经常在福克斯新闻频道上以评论员的身份现身,特朗普的其他几名内阁人选和候选人也都有过这种经历,包括被任命为副国家安全顾问的K•T•麦克法兰(K. T. McFarland)。
That is not her only connection to the world of Rupert Murdoch, whose News Corporation includes Fox. She sits on the company’s board of directors.
这不是她与鲁伯特•默多克(Rupert Murdoch)的世界唯一的联系。福克斯新闻频道隶属于默多克的新闻集团(News Corporation),而赵小兰是该公司董事会成员。
She adds some diversity to a cabinet that is so far heavily older, white and male. Ms. Chao, 63, was born in Taiwan and moved to the United States with her family when she was 8.
她为截至目前严重偏老、偏白人和男性的这个内阁增加了一些多样性。63岁的赵小兰出生于台湾,在八岁时随家人移居到了美国。
While the public aspects of her life are well known, Ms. Chao has also played an integral, behind-the-scenes role in her husband’s political career, most recently as he fought off efforts to unseat him in 2014. Described by friends and colleagues as unrelenting, she occasionally stepped out into the public eye to take on her husband’s antagonists.
尽管她的生活面向公众的方面已广为人知,但赵小兰在丈夫的职业生涯中也扮演了必不可少的幕后角色,最近一次则是在后者竭力挫败让他于2014年下台的努力时。在朋友和同事眼中性格不屈不挠的赵小兰,偶尔会走进公众视线,与丈夫的对手交手。
Sometimes they also came for her, and she was happy to take them on as well. After a liberal Kentucky group suggested in 2013 that Ms. Chao was somehow connected to the flight of American jobs to China — a jab evidently intended to portray Mr. McConnell as too cozy with American business interests — she starred in a commercial and rushed to his defense. “Far-left special interests are also attacking my ethnicity, even attacking Mitch’s patriotism, because he’s married to me,” she said. “That’s how low some people will stoop.”
有时他们也会主动向她发起挑战,而她则是乐于迎战。一个肯塔基自由派组织曾在2013年暗示赵小兰由于某种原因与美国的工作向中国流失的情况有关——这样的攻击明显是有意将麦康奈尔描绘成与美国企业集团关系过于亲密的形象——她随即拍了一则广告,迅速为他进行辩护。“极左翼特殊利益集团也是在攻击我的种族身份,甚至因为米奇娶了我而质疑他的爱国精神,”她说。“有人竟可以低劣到这种程度。”
Mr. Trump was impressed by her energy and drive, a senior transition official said, speaking anonymously to reveal the private interactions between Ms. Chao and the president-elect. He also admired her no-nonsense attitude, this official said.
据一位负责交接工作的高层人员透露,特朗普对赵小兰的活力和冲劲印象深刻。此人要求匿名谈论她和候任总统之间的私下交流。这名工作人员还表示,特朗普也很欣赏她直截了当的态度。
But now that she is in line for a prominent position in Mr. Trump’s cabinet, it is her own ties to business that are likely to come under scrutiny. As labor secretary, she faced criticism that her department favored business and was lax on enforcement and worker safety.
但既然赵小兰即将获得特朗普内阁中的重要职位,她个人与企业的关系有可能受到严格的审查。在担任劳工部长时期,她曾被指责其部门偏向企业方,在执法和劳工安全问题上比较松懈。
At the time, she dismissed those concerns as “partisan.”
在当时,她对这些顾虑不屑一顾,称之为“党派”攻击。
Her time out of government service is likely to be the biggest area of focus for labor and other left-leaning interests, though her confirmation in the Senate does not appear to be in any doubt. Senator Chuck Schumer of New York, the Democratic leader, praised her government service on Tuesday, and said he hoped to work collaboratively with her on Mr. Trump’s infrastructure plan, which would have to make it through the Senate her husband leads.
赵小兰不担任公职的时间,有可能才是劳工和其他左倾利益集团最关注的时段,尽管她的任命在参议院获批似乎没什么疑问。纽约州参议员、民主党领袖查克•舒默(Chuck Schumer)在周二称赞了赵小兰的公职表现,表示他希望能就特朗普在基础设施建设方面的计划与她展开合作。该计划必须得到由她丈夫领导的参议院的通过。
“I hope Secretary Chao shares that ambitious goal and is willing to work with Democrats,” Mr. Schumer said.
“我希望赵部长有同样远大的目标,愿意与民主党人一起协作,”舒默说道。
A particular area of interest for her critics will be her position on the board of Wells Fargo, which has been tainted by revelations that its managers tolerated and even encouraged its employees to sign customers up for services they did not want.
她的批评者尤其感兴趣的领域会是她在富国银行(Wells Fargo)董事会里的立场。该银行之前曾被曝光有多名经理容忍、甚至鼓励员工让客户注册他们并不想要的服务。

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 楼主| 发表于 2016-12-11 21:59:24 | 显示全部楼层
冰岛,一个盛产诗人的国度

更新时间:2016-12-2 10:06:26 来源:纽约时报中文网 作者:佚名

On an Island Named for Ice, the Poets Are Just Getting Warmed Up

冰岛,一个盛产诗人的国度

Iceland, it seems, is full of hidden poets.
冰岛似乎到处都是隐藏的诗人。
When they’re not at their day jobs, a great many of the island’s 330,000 inhabitants dabble in verse, including politicians, businessmen, horse breeders and scientists who study the genetic isolation of the island in pursuit of medical breakthroughs. Even David Oddsson, who was prime minister in 2002 (when Iceland’s banks were privatized) and central bank governor in 2008 (when they collapsed), is a poet by training.
在从事本职工作之余,岛上33万居民中有许多人会寄情文字,包括政治人物、商人、马匹育种师和为追求医学突破而苦苦研究该岛屿遗传隔离性的科学家们 。即便是2002年(那一年冰岛的银行实行了私有化)当上冰岛首相、2008年(那一年冰岛的银行破产了)当上冰岛中央银行行长的大卫•奥德松(David Oddsson),也是科班出身的诗人。
Birgitta Jonsdottir, the leader of the anarchist-leaning Pirate Party, which did well in a recent general election, describes herself rather loftily as a “poetician.” Her first published poem, “Black Roses,” written when she was 14, is about a nuclear holocaust.
带有无政府主义倾向的海盗党(Pirate Party) 在近期的选举中表现良好,其领袖比吉塔•约恩斯多蒂尔(Birgitta Jonsdottir)颇为高傲地自称是“诗治家”(poetician)。她发表的第一首诗《黑玫瑰》(Black Roses)讲的是一场核灾难。
Kari Stefansson, one of the world’s leading geneticists and the founder of Decode Genetics, recalled a poem he wrote in 1996, a few months after the birth of Dolly, the cloned sheep.
卡里•斯特凡松(Kari Stefansson)是世界顶尖的遗传学家之一,也是解码遗传学的创始人,他回忆了1996年克隆羊多丽(Dolly)诞生几个月后他写下的一首诗。
“I was a little bit depressed,” Mr. Stefansson said in his office, which, with its slit windows and computer screens, looked a bit like the interior of a spaceship. “One of my ways to deal with that was to write a small poem,” he said, before proceeding to recite it:
“当时我有点郁闷,”斯特凡松在自己的办公室里说,狭长的窗子和电脑屏幕在一起,把这里变得有点像太空船的内部。 “我处理这种情绪的办法之一,就是写一首小诗,”接着他背诵起来:
Where do I find, lost in the brightness of a sunlit day,
The happiness of an unhappy man
Fortunate only to be just one copy of himself.
Everything else stinks.
明媚的日子里洒满了阳光,
不幸者的幸福却无处寻觅。
幸运只是他的一份复制品,
其余的一切全都散发臭气。
Poetry is a national pastime, but not a particularly “specialist activity,” said Sveinn Yngvi Egilsson, a professor of Icelandic literature at the University of Iceland. “It’s part of being an Icelander,” he said. “Yes, it’s charming, isn’t it?”
诗歌是一种全民消遣,但并不是什么特别的“专业活动”,冰岛大学冰岛文学教授斯温•伊格维•埃吉尔松(Sveinn Yngvi Egilsson)说。 “这是冰岛人的一部分,”他说。“是的,很迷人,不是吗?”
In earlier times, verses were an integral part of social gatherings and were often improvised, he said. Poetry contests were held, with the prizes going to the wittiest, sharpest verses. The most popular verse form, he said, is called “ferskeytla,” four rhymed lines that can be divided into two parts.
他说,在早年间,诗歌是冰岛社交聚会不可或缺的组成部分,经常是即兴创作的。还会举行诗歌比赛,最风趣、最犀利的诗歌会获得嘉奖。他说,最流行的诗歌形式名叫“ferskeytla”,它有四句押韵的诗句,可以分为两部分。
Icelanders are unusually prolific readers and writers, and books of verse tend to sell well in Iceland. Poetry was the third-largest category of books published in the country in 2014, after fiction and the arts, according to figures from the national library. Far more poetry books were published in Iceland that year than books about economics or public administration. (There were apparently none at all about finance.)
冰岛人在阅读和写作方面格外勤奋,诗歌类书籍在冰岛往往能够卖得很好。根据国家图书馆的统计,2014年该国家出版的书籍之中,诗歌类列第三,位居小说和艺术之后。那一年在冰岛出版的诗歌远远多于经济学或公共管理方面的书籍(金融类书籍似乎一本都没有)。
The cold oceanic climate and long winter nights may also have something to do with it. “People usually get bored, and they try to humor each other,” Professor Egilsson said. “One of those ways is poetry.”
这可能也同这里寒冷的海洋气候与漫长的冬夜有关。 “人们往往会觉得无聊,于是就试着相互逗个乐,”埃吉尔松说。 “其中一种方式就是诗歌。”

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 楼主| 发表于 2016-12-11 21:59:54 | 显示全部楼层
普京喜欢特朗普,但不喜欢民粹主义与核扩散
更新时间:2016-12-2 10:05:04 来源:纽约时报中文网 作者:佚名
A Subdued Vladimir Putin Calls for ‘Mutually Beneficial’ Ties With U.S.
普京喜欢特朗普,但不喜欢民粹主义与核扩散
MOSCOW — After a wave of euphoria among Russia’s political elite over the unexpected victory of Donald Trump, President Vladimir Putin on Thursday gave a more measured response in his annual address to the nation, calling for cooperation but expressing misgivings over some of Trump’s statements about nuclear weapons.
莫斯科——唐纳德•特朗普(Donald Trump)出人意料的胜选在俄罗斯政治精英中引发了一阵欣喜,但本周四,普京在全国性的年度演讲中做出了更加慎重的回应,他呼吁两国开展合作,但同时也对特朗普关于核武器的声明表达了疑虑。
The Russian leader appeared remarkably subdued at what was widely seen as a moment of triumph for him, with his popularity rising on a cresting wave of anti-establishment and often pro-Russian populism in Europe and the United States.
政界广泛认为现在是普京的胜利时刻,随着反建制和常常亲俄的民粹主义在欧洲和美国崛起,普京的人气也在高涨,但他在这次讲话中显得非常有节制。
Speaking to an audience of political and economic barons, Putin praised his compatriots for rallying around “patriotic values” and, counterintuitively, for eschewing the lure of populism.
在向政济界的精英发表的这番讲话中,普京赞扬同胞们团结在“爱国价值观”周围,避开了民粹主义的诱惑,这种说法有点出人意料。
He lamented that around the world, “even in the most seemingly affluent countries and stable regions, more and more fractures and conflicts on political, ethnic, religious and social grounds are rising.”
他遗憾地表示,在世界各地,“甚至在看似最富裕的国家和稳定的地区,政治、种族、宗教和社会方面也出现了越来越多的分裂和冲突。”
Those remarks had to surprise Western officials who have accused the Kremlin of stirring up and supporting precisely those anti-establishment forces so as to sow disorder and weaken liberal democracies.
这些言论当然让一些西方官员感到惊讶,他们曾指责正是克里姆林宫在煽动和支持那些反建制的势力,从而制造混乱,削弱自由民主。
Putin did not mention Trump by name, saying only that Russia wanted to work with the incoming U.S. administration “to normalize and begin to develop bilateral relations on an equal and mutually beneficial basis.”
普京没有提到特朗普的名字,只说俄罗斯想与美国新政府的合作变得“正常化,并在平等互利的基础上发展双边关系”。
His comments largely reprised the message he gave Trump in a telephone call soon after the Nov. 8 election, when both men agreed that something needed to be done to improve “the absolutely unsatisfactory state of bilateral relations.”
普京本次的发言,与他在11月8日美国大选后不久,给特朗普的电话传达的信息大致相同,当时两人都同意需要做一些事情,来改善“非常令人不满意的双边关系的状态”。
In a departure from his speeches in recent years, Putin avoided sarcastic or downright angry comments about the United States. But he also made clear that Russia demanded to be treated as a global power, not the “regional power” that President Barack Obama described it as in 2014, infuriating Moscow.
与近几年来的发言不同,普京这次没有讽刺美国,或者直接进行愤怒的抨击。但他也明确表示,俄罗斯要求被视为全球性的力量,而不是奥巴马总统在2014年描述的“地区力量”,当时此话曾让莫斯科勃然大怒。
“We have a joint responsibility for the provision of international security and stability, for the strengthening of anti-proliferation regimes,” Putin said, referring to efforts to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons.
在谈到防止核武器扩散时,普京说,“对于维护国际安全与稳定,强化反扩散机制,我们负有共同的责任。”
Syria and the importance of fighting Islamic extremism are areas in which Putin’s interests and Trump’s statements seem to coincide. Putin, who has repeatedly accused the Obama administration of mollycoddling extremists, said the U.S. needed to focus on “a real rather than dreamt-up threat” and join Russia in fighting international terrorism.
叙利亚和反对伊斯兰极端主义的重要性,似乎是普京的利益和特朗普的言论存在交集的领域。普京曾多次指责奥巴马政府纵容极端分子,他说美国需要把重心放在“一个并非想像出来的真正威胁上”,和俄罗斯一起打击国际恐怖主义。
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