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发表于 2016-12-9 11:47:02
更新时间:2016-12-1 10:39:41 来源:纽约时报中文网 作者:佚名
How Stable Are Democracies? ‘Warning Signs Are Flashing Red’
WASHINGTON — Yascha Mounk is used to being the most pessimistic person in the room. Mr. Mounk, a lecturer in government at Harvard, has spent the past few years challenging one of the bedrock assumptions of Western politics: that once a country becomes a liberal democracy, it will stay that way.
His research suggests something quite different: that liberal democracies around the world may be at serious risk of decline.
Mr. Mounk’s interest in the topic began rather unusually. In 2014, he published a book, “Stranger in My Own Country.” It started as a memoir of his experiences growing up as a Jew in Germany, but became a broader investigation of how contemporary European nations were struggling to construct new, multicultural national identities.
蒙克对这个话题的兴趣以一种颇不寻常的方式开始。2014年，他出版了一本名为《自己国家中的陌生人》(Stranger in My Own Country)的书。它以回忆录开始，讲述身为犹太人的他在德国长大的经历；但后面变成更广泛的调查，研究当代欧洲国家如何在建设新的、多元文化的国家身份时陷入困境。
He concluded that the effort was not going very well. A populist backlash was rising. But was that just a new kind of politics, or a symptom of something deeper?
To answer that question, Mr. Mounk teamed up with Roberto Stefan Foa, a political scientist at the University of Melbourne in Australia. They have since gathered and crunched data on the strength of liberal democracies.
为了回答这个问题，蒙克与澳大利亚墨尔本大学的政治学家罗伯托•史蒂芬•福阿(Roberto Stefan Foa)合作。自那之后，他们收集整理了大量关于自由民主国家强度的数据。
Their conclusion, to be published in the January issue of the Journal of Democracy, is that democracies are not as secure as people may think. Right now, Mr. Mounk said in an interview, “the warning signs are flashing red.”
他们的结论将在1月份的《民主期刊》(Journal of Democracy)上发表，文章认为，民主国家不如人们所想的那样安全。蒙克在接受采访时表示，如今，“红色警报已在闪烁”。
Political scientists have a theory called “democratic consolidation,” which holds that once countries develop democratic institutions, a robust civil society and a certain level of wealth, their democracy is secure.
For decades, global events seemed to support that idea. Data from Freedom House, a watchdog organization that measures democracy and freedom around the world, shows that the number of countries classified as “free” rose steadily from the mid-1970s to the early 2000s. Many Latin American countries transitioned from military rule to democracy; after the end of the Cold War, much of Eastern Europe followed suit. And longstanding liberal democracies in North America, Western Europe and Australia seemed more secure than ever.
But since 2005, Freedom House’s index has shown a decline in global freedom each year. Is that a statistical anomaly, a result of a few random events in a relatively short period of time? Or does it indicate a meaningful pattern?
Mr. Mounk and Mr. Foa developed a three-factor formula to answer that question. Mr. Mounk thinks of it as an early-warning system, and it works something like a medical test: a way to detect that a democracy is ill before it develops full-blown symptoms.
The first factor was public support: How important do citizens think it is for their country to remain democratic? The second was public openness to nondemocratic forms of government, such as military rule. And the third factor was whether “antisystem parties and movements” — political parties and other major players whose core message is that the current system is illegitimate — were gaining support.
If support for democracy was falling while the other two measures were rising, the researchers marked that country “deconsolidating.” And they found that deconsolidation was the political equivalent of a low-grade fever that arrives the day before a full-blown case of the flu.
Venezuela, for instance, enjoyed the highest possible scores on Freedom House’s measures of political rights and democracy in the 1980s. But those democratic practices were not deeply rooted. During that apparent period of stability, Venezuela already scored as deconsolidating on the Mounk-Foa test.
Since then, Venezuelan democracy has declined significantly. In 1992, a faction of the Venezuelan military loyal to Hugo Chávez attempted a coup against the democratically elected government. Mr. Chávez was elected president in 1998 on a wave of populist support, and he immediately passed a new constitution that consolidated his power. His government cracked down on dissent, imprisoned political opponents and shredded the country’s economy with a series of ill-planned economic overhauls.
从那时起，委内瑞拉民主状况显著下降。1992年，委内瑞拉军方一个忠于乌戈•查韦斯(Hugo Chávez)的派系企图对民选政府发动政变。1998年，查韦斯在民粹浪潮支持下当选总统， 之后他立即通过了一部新宪法，巩固了他自己的权力。他的政府打击异见者，监禁政治反对派，并实施一系列计划不周的经济改革，破坏了该国的经济。
Likewise, when Poland joined the European Union in 2004, it was hailed as an especially strong example of a post-Communist country making the transition to consolidated democracy. But Mr. Mounk and Mr. Foa found strong signs of deconsolidation during that period: As early as 2005, nearly 16 percent of Poles said they believed democracy was a “bad” or “fairly bad” way of running the country. By 2012, 22 percent of respondents said that they supported army rule. And in the mid-2000s, a series of antisystem parties began to gain traction in Polish politics, including Law and Justice, Self-Defense of the Republic of Poland, and the League of Polish Families.
同样，当波兰在2004年加入欧盟时，它被赞誉为后共产主义国家向巩固民主过渡的有力典范。但是蒙克和福阿在那段时期内发现了强烈的解除巩固迹象：早在2005年，近16％的波兰人说他们认为民主是一种“不好”或“相当不好”的治国方式。到2012年，22％的受访者表示支持军队统治。在2005年前后，一系列反体制的政党开始在波兰政治中获得广泛认同，包括法律与正义党(Law and Justice)，波兰共和国自卫党(Self-Defense of the Republic of Poland)和波兰家庭联盟(League of Polish Families)。
Today, that fever is starting to look a lot like the flu. Law and Justice, which won the presidency and a parliamentary majority in 2015, has systematically weakened democratic institutions.
The government’s attempts to undermine the country’s constitutional tribunal, for instance, set off an investigation by the European Union. The resulting report warned that the government’s actions “endanger not only the rule of law, but also the functioning of the democratic system.”
According to the Mounk-Foa early-warning system, signs of democratic deconsolidation in the United States and many other liberal democracies are now similar to those in Venezuela before its crisis.
Across numerous countries, including Australia, Britain, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Sweden and the United States, the percentage of people who say it is “essential” to live in a democracy has plummeted, and it is especially low among younger generations. Support for autocratic alternatives is rising, too. Drawing on data from the European and World Values Surveys, the researchers found that the share of Americans who say that army rule would be a “good” or “very good” thing had risen to 1 in 6 in 2014, compared with 1 in 16 in 1995.
在包括澳大利亚、英国、荷兰、新西兰，瑞典和美国在内的许多国家里，说“生活在民主国家”是“必不可少”的人的百分比已经下降，在年轻的几代人中特别低。对专制政体选项的支持率也在上升。根据欧洲与世界价值观调查(European and World Values Surveys)的数据，研究人员发现，美国人认为军队统治可能会是一件“好”或“非常好”的事情的比例在2014年上升到了1/6，而在1995年是1/16。
That trend is particularly strong among young people. For instance, in a previously published paper, the researchers calculated that 43 percent of older Americans believed it was illegitimate for the military to take over if the government were incompetent or failing to do its job, but only 19 percent of millennials agreed. The same generational divide showed up in Europe, where 53 percent of older people thought a military takeover would be illegitimate, while only 36 percent of millennials agreed.
In the United States, Donald J. Trump won the presidential election by running as an antisystem outsider. And support for antisystem populist parties in Europe, such as the National Front in France, Syriza in Greece and the Five-Star Movement in Italy, is rising.
在美国，唐纳德•J•特朗普(Donald J. Trump)作为一个反体制的局外人而赢得总统选举。而在欧洲，对反体制民粹党派的支持率也在上升，如法国的国民阵线党，希腊的激进左翼联盟(Syriza)和意大利的五星运动(Five-Star Movement)。
Of course, this is just one paper. And the researchers’ approach, like all data-driven social science, has limitations. It is only as good as the survey data that underlies it, for instance, and it does not take into account other factors that could be important to overall stability, such as economic growth. At least one prominent political scientist argues that Mr. Mounk’s and Mr. Foa’s data is not as worrying as they believe it to be.
Also, of course, correlation is not the same as causation. Although the researchers found a relationship between deconsolidation and democratic instability, that is not the same thing as proving the root causes of either factor.
“That’s only one measure,” Mr. Mounk acknowledged of his own research. “But,” he added after a pause, “it should have us worried.”
He fears that the minutiae of politics can easily distract from these more fundamental dangers. “It’s not just about what Trump will do to the E.P.A.,” he said, referring to the Environmental Protection Agency. “It really is that Trump may try to undermine liberal democracy in the United States.”
他担心政治的细枝末节可以轻易令人们分心，不去关注这些更重大的危险。“这不只是关于特朗普会对EPA做些什么，”他说， EPA在这里是指美国国家环境保护局(Environmental Protection Agency)。“真正的问题是，特朗普可能试图破坏美国的自由民主。”
“Look, this stuff is already going on in other places,” Mr. Mounk added. “If there’s one task that we have as journalists, as academics, as thinkers, it’s to drive the stakes of this home for people.”